LAKELAND LEDGER May 27, 2005 TAKING CARE OF THOSE LEFT BEHIND Many Immigrant Workers Send Pay to Families By YESENIA MOJARRO
The Ledger
Last of six parts WAHNETA
At Placita Mexico, a store and restaurant that caters to this East Polk community's large Spanish-speaking population, signs proclaim: "Envio de Dinero a Mexico, Centro y Sur America" (Send Money to Mexico, Central and South America).
And so they do. Approximately $100,000 flows each week from the store to Mexico and other Latin American countries, said Antonio Reynoso, the store manager.
"Sometimes people hand over their whole checks," he said.
Approximately 65 percent of Latin American immigrant workers send money home on a regular basis, according to a 2004
Inter-American Development Bank study. These money transfers are widely recognized as critical to the survival of millions of families and the health of many national economies throughout Latin America, the study found.
From Placita Mexico, Felipe Lopez sends money to his wife and two young sons in Guanajuato, Mexico. Lopez, who picks oranges in several Polk County groves, said the bus he rides to work stops at the store daily.
"I can cash my check, send money to my wife and then call her from the pay phone outside," he said.
Lopez said he came to the United States in 2003 hoping to earn more money than he could as a construction worker in Mexico. "I only made 120 pesos a day or 600 pesos a week (about $11 a day or $55 a week) working construction in Mexico, and it was barely enough to stay afloat," Lopez said.
He now makes about $280 to $300 a week picking oranges. Much of it goes back to his wife and boys, ages 5 and 8. He wires them $200 to $300 every other week. "My wife sends the kids to school and buys groceries with the money," Lopez said. In Mexico, children must purchase their schoolbooks and supplies.
Millions of other immigrants can tell similar stories of sending their hard-earned pay to families left behind.
Mexico's central bank reports that the country received $16.6 billion in money transfers in 2004, almost twice the $8.8 billion of just four years earlier. About 95 percent of that money was sent from the United States.
Much of this money came from immigrants who have come to the United States with one main goal: to better the economic status of their families.
Such was Guillermina Maya's hope when she left Guerrero, Mexico, and joined her husband in Florida 12 years ago. Both picked oranges in Polk County groves each winter and supplemented their summer income by working in restaurants or hotels.
Some weeks their paychecks were no more than $250. Yet, Maya has never failed to send at least $100 to Mexico every 15 days.
"We are a poor family, and I know my parents need the money," Maya said.
Her parents, now 60 and 57, make their livelihood by planting corn in strangers' fields in Mexico and could not afford to buy the seeds they plant without help, Maya added.
She now works at a citrus processing plant and her husband has a factory job, but they continue to send money home.
In 2003, Mexico was second to China in the amount of money received from its workers abroad, according to Aite Group LLC, a Boston research firm.
The money transfers usually take place at supermarkets and convenience stores patronized by the Mexican-American community.
At Placita Mexico, it costs $10 for a transfer of up to $500 through Sigue Corp., the money-transfer service used at the store, said Reynosa, the store manager.
The process is simple. When a customer walks in the store, a Sigue Corp. phone awaits him near the cash register. The customer picks up the phone and a Sigue operator asks the customer a series of questions.
After all questions regarding the transaction are answered, the company sends two confirmation faxes to the store. The customer signs them, pays and keeps a copy.
Family members with a valid photo ID in Mexico can immediately pick up the money in pesos, the Mexican currency, at a designated Sigue Corp. location such as a bank, grocery store or pharmacy.
Sigue isn't the only way to send money. Wahneta Supermarket provides a 10-minute transfer of $500 through Western Union for $15 to most locations in Mexico, according to the store clerk.
The U.S. Postal Service charges $10 for a wire transfer up to $750.
But not all post offices offer the Dinero Seguro (Safe Money) money-transfer service to Mexico. The only post offices in Polk County to offer the service are in Auburndale and Eloise.
Maya and Lopez said they will continue to send money to their families in Mexico through Sigue Corp. at Placita Mexico.
"I shop here often and it is convenient," Lopez said. Pesticides Are a Continuing Threat To Farmworkers By Diane Lacey Allen
The Ledger LAKELAND -- Reports of deformed babies born to farm workers in Immokalee recently have renewed fears about the consequences of chemical exposure -- a problem that advocates say remains largely underreported.
Medical personnel are required by state law to report suspected pesticide exposures. But from 2002 to 2004, the state Department of Agriculture had 26 referrals, none in Polk County. And only one was reported in Manatee County, despite a case that sent about 20 grove workers to the hospital.
The deformed babies, however, have raised concerns again and are a reason the Migrant Farmworker Justice Project has changed its procedure when talking to migrants.
Advocates now bring up the subject of pesticides when talking to migrants about work and living issues.
"We're guilty of not asking," said Greg Schell, the project's managing lawyer.
Schell said that what they were missing became clear when a woman who worked 20 years at a plant nursery was interviewed. Prompted, Schell said the woman told about a workplace "dripping in pesticides. (She said), `It makes us sick, everybody here is sick.' "
Tirso Moreno, the general coordinator for the Farmworkers Association of Florida, said a recent association investigation in Collier, Dade, Indian River, Orange and Volusia counties found workers lack chemical training and in some cases aren't told that pesticides have been applied.
"They (employers) won't tell them how toxic pesticides are and the consequences of being exposed . . .," Moreno said. "They (employers) apply when they are working too close to the workers and they can smell it. Sometimes they can feel the spray."
Pesticides fall under the umbrella of the state Department of Agriculture and Consumer Services. But critics see a conflict of interest because part of the department's mission is "assisting Florida's farmers and agricultural industries with the production and promotion of agricultural products."
" `Like a fox in the hen house' is absolutely the correct analogy," Schell said.
Regardless, farmworkers are still dealing with pesticides and illnesses caused by them.
A recent case involved Dunson Harvesting of Winter Haven. About 20 of its grove workers became ill on April 9, 2003.
One of the sickest was Juan Morales of Wauchula. He took Dunson to court after suffering continued health problems.
Mark Hofstad, a compensation claims judge, found Morales, 31, suffered injuries after being exposed to pesticides or pesticide residue while picking oranges in Manatee County, according to compensation claims documents.
Hofstad wrote: "He (Morales) harvested oranges for about three hours in trees that were wet, leaving him and his clothes saturated with liquid, when he experienced a sudden onset of symptoms around 10 or 11 a.m., including nausea, dizziness and weakness."
The crew leader reported that when other workers became ill, he took the crew from the groves about noon or 1 p.m., according to documents.
"As Mr. Morales was on the bus exiting the groves, his symptoms worsened, including tremors, severe shaking and difficulty breathing. At the entrance to the groves, Mr. Morales was given oxygen by emergency responders; was subsequently decontaminated by being stripped down and hosed with water; and was ultimately transported along with other members of his crew to the hospital by ambulance," Hofstad wrote.
The judge sided with Morales, and an appeal appeared likely before the case was settled recently. It could not be determined what settlement Morales received.
But as with other migrant issues, the pesticide problem mirrors the plight of migrants who are not likely to complain because they need a job.
"When we hear about pesticide exposure, it's because the illness is so severe the person can't work," said Tania Galloni, formerly with the Migrant Farmworker Justice Project. Lawmakers Unsure How to Tackle Illegal Workers By Cory Reiss
Ledger Washington Bureau WASHINGTON -- Members of the Minuteman Project stood guard along the Mexican border in Arizona and then patrolled the halls of Congress last month, clamoring for tighter borders to stanch what they call a national security threat.
Then Congress passed national standards for driver licenses -- a move rooted in security arguments since 2001. It was also a response to states that, without regard for legal status, issue identification that can be used to board airplanes and enter government buildings.
That's a step back for illegal immigrants.
But 31/2 years after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, Congress is debating legislation that would entice illegal immigrants to step out of the shadow economy, where fear of deportation may allow abuse. The proposal echoes ideas President Bush floated early in 2001 that the terrorist attacks sidelined.
"My sense is that you have to find a way to create an incentive to become taxpayers, to be contributing members of society in an open and legal way," said U.S. Rep. Adam Putnam, a Bartow Republican with a largely agricultural district.
Republicans face a battle within their ranks between enforcement-first advocates and lawmakers like Putnam, who want borders sealed and support the driver license initiative but also say it is time for existing illegal immigrants to be accepted. The threat of terrorists entering the country illegally and getting by under the current system is a driving force on both sides of the debate.
Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., and Ted Kennedy, D-Mass., recently introduced legislation that would crack down on employers hiring illegal immigrants while allowing up to 400,000 of them in the first year to pay fines and obtain visas that would allow them to work legally after a background check. The bill, also introduced by several House members, is based on Bush's plan and was embraced by many advocates for immigrants.
"The simple fact is America's immigration system is broken," McCain said. "For far too long, our nation's broken immigration laws have gone unreformed, leaving Americans vulnerable."
SEEKING A REMEDY
However, two Republican senators, Jon Kyl of Arizona and John Cornyn of Texas, are writing legislation that is expected to allow illegal workers to gain legal status as guest workers but would require them to leave the country after a certain, undetermined period.
Their bill promises to be much more enforcement-oriented than the McCain-Kennedy legislation. Kyl and Cornyn on Thursday outlined a slew of border and employment provisions in their bill, which has not been fully unveiled or introduced in the Senate. The debate comes amid rising tension over jobs and health care in a tight economy, as well as ongoing security questions.
Nonetheless, some states are considering such measures as giving illegal immigrant children in-state college tuition rates despite the ongoing backlash against illegals. Eleven states -- not including Florida -- give driver licenses regardless of legal status.
The Real ID Act, as the driver license measure is known, passed over objections from many Democrats, labor groups and civil rights organizations. President Bush signed the bill May 11.
States are bracing for big ex-penses to verify identities and delays at local motor vehicle offices. Advocates of the law said it will make it harder for illegal immigrants to open bank accounts and generally get along in the United States.
McCain and Kennedy propose allowing illegal immigrants to identify themselves, obtain status as guest workers, and then get in line for residency and citizenship. Opponents call such programs "amnesty" for people who broke U.S. laws to get here, although Republicans such as Bush and McCain say they don't support "amnesty."
Whatever it's called, it would be a tough fight in Congress.
"If it walks, talks or smells like amnesty, I could never vote for it," said Rep. Ginny Brown-Waite, a Crystal River Republican representing a large agriculture sector and who is also a member of the congressional Immigration Reform Caucus.
The legislation that Kyle and Cornyn are writing is expected to push illegal immigrants into a temporary guest worker program by cracking down on employers and documentation.
But supporters of a less enforcement-based approach see signs of hope.
In response to the Real ID Act, which the House attached to a bill funding the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Sen. Larry Craig, R- Idaho, offered a guest worker program for illegal agriculture workers that foreshadowed the McCain-Kennedy bill. It got 53 votes last month, including Sen. Mel Martinez of Florida among 15 Republicans. Though it did not receive the 60 votes required to overcome a procedural hurdle, some activists hailed it as a sign of inevitability.
"It's not a question of if, it's a question of when," said Douglas Rivlin, spokesman for the pro-immigrant National Immigration Forum.
Brown-Waite said a dairy farmer in her district told her he depends on immigrant labor, so she agrees some reform may be necessary. But she called Craig's bill "amnesty with hoops to jump through."
The agriculture bill would have made an estimated 500,000 illegal farm workers eligible for legal status as guest workers and put them on the path toward residency. But agriculture workers are a fraction of the estimated 8 million to 12 million illegal immigrants.
The Kennedy-McCain package would allow illegal immigrants already in the country to pay a $2,000 fine and obtain a three-year work visa that could be renewed once. After six years of work, an immigrant could apply for residency but would not get preferential treatment.
The bill also includes more border and labor enforcement measures, illustrating that loosening up on existing illegal immigrants must come with a tighter grip on the conduits for illegal immigration in the future if comprehensive reform is to stand a chance of passing.
President Bush outlined many similar ideas last year. His vision was to encourage guest workers to go home eventually but left open the possibility of extended stays and ultimately citizenship if desired.
CHANGING MINDS
Putnam said that even with the recent Senate vote on agriculture workers, "the prospects are dim" for passing meaningful immigration reform.
The parties are split on the far right and left, and passage of the Real ID Act on its own could remove leverage for more comprehensive reforms, he said.
But Putnam said minds tend to change when citizens find themselves depending on labor from illegal immigrants. Putnam, who comes from a family of citrus growers, said that is happening in Florida, where many more roofs still would be covered with blue tarps after last summer's hurricanes if not for illegal workers with hammers.
Supporters say dispelling the illicit culture and economies surrounding illegal immigrants not only would improve conditions for them, it would lift the camouflage that might make hiding in the United States easier for terrorists.
"The system is broken and needs to be fixed," said Rivlin, the immigrant advocate. Attaining U.S. Residency Can Often Take Years By Eric Pera
The Ledger LAKELAND -- For nearly 120 years, the Statue of Liberty has stood as a monument to American ideals, most notably its open-door policies toward the "huddled masses yearning to breathe free."
Today, America's doors remain open, but only to about 675,000 immigrants a year. Thousands more are allowed in as refugees fleeing persecution.
But for millions of Mexicans, mostly poor, the door can seem shut forever; many more desire to live and work here than there are visas available.
Additionally, the process for obtaining a green card, a document designating an immigrant as a permanent resident, which is necessary to obtaining a Social Security card, is complicated and can take many years.
But they come anyway, ignoring U.S. laws and risking their lives in perilous border crossings.
Here, in a question-and-answer format, is a quick synopsis of U.S. immigration protocol and statistics from sources such as U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services and the National Council of La Raza, an advocacy group dedicated to immigrant issues.
Q. What's the first step any immigrant must take to permanently reside and work in the U.S.?
A. Petition the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Usually the petition must be filed by a U.S. employer after completing a labor certification request from the Department of Labor's Employment and Training Administration.
Q. Once the petition is filed, then what?
A. The State Department issues the applicant an immigrant visa number. In some cases, the person may enter the U.S. legally while waiting for the visa number, but this usually applies only to people with extraordinary ability, such as outstanding professors and researchers, and certain executives and managers.
Q. What does a person with no special skills do?
A. Such cases will be expedited if an employer can prove that worker's skills are in short supply and no one else will do the work.
Q. Does having a close relative who is a legal resident or U.S. citizen improve chances for residency?
A. Yes, especially if that relative is your spouse or parent. But there are caps on the number of visas available, creating long waiting lists. For instance, U.S. citizens who petition for unmarried children older than 21 from Mexico must wait as long as nine years to be reunited. A legal permanent resident who petitions for a spouse or minor child living in a foreign country may wait seven years.
Q. What is a low-skilled worker to do if he cannot get on the fast-track to enter the U.S.?
A. Wait for the State Department to issue you an immigrant visa number. But these numbers are available in limited quantities. So if you're from Mexico, a nation where there is a high demand for visas, the wait can be lengthy.
Q. How long?
A. Only 5,000 permanent visas are issued each year to unskilled workers from any country. So service-sector employers looking to petition for immigrant workers in restaurants, hotels and such face visa backlogs up to 10 years. It can be longer, if ever, for Mexican workers because of the volume of Mexicans looking to enter the United States.
Q. What are the chances of an illegal immigrant ever gaining legal permanent residency?
A. Slim to none. The 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act created obstacles. Individuals unlawfully in the U.S. for more than 180 days but less than a year and who voluntarily depart may not re-enter lawfully for three years. If they've been in the U.S. unlawfully for a year or more, and depart voluntarily, the wait could be 10 years. |